NEWS DESERTS IN UKRAINE
II ITERATION
II ITERATION
The problem of news deserts (areas where local journalism is absent or underdeveloped) is of particular importance for Ukraine, which has been dealing with the consequences of Russia’s full-scale invasion since 2022. We published the first iteration of our research in the spring of 2024 analyzing the media landscape of 11 frontline and border oblasts most affected by combat actions. This study provided an initial understanding of the scale and specifics of news deserts in places where the information vacuum has significant social and security consequences.
In the second iteration of the study, we have expanded the geography of the analysis to the entire territory of Ukraine. We have also revised the previous results and improved the methodology. In the first wave, which was more of an overview, the research was based on a standard approach that was borrowed from Western studies. However, when we took into account the Ukrainian realities of the war, it became clear that standard methods of media assessment needed to be adapted. The specifics of the temporarily occupied territories (TOT), where access to Ukrainian independent media outlets is limited, required particular attention.
In addition, we have conducted interviews with representatives of local editorial teams in the second part of the study. This method of data collection allowed us to check our early results of analysis of the media landscape structure in different regions of the country, as well as to understand the possible reasons for the emergence of news deserts.
The analysis of the media landscape in Ukraine has shown that only 11% of all analyzed local editorial teams (157 out of 1,434 media outlets) meet the criteria of independence and systematically cover the critical information needs of hromadas (an administrative unit designating a village, several villages or a town, and their adjacent territories; the interchangeable term is communities).
Out of 138 districts in Ukraine, only 23% were identified as “informationally healthy”. The remaining 77% were defined as “partially healthy” (38%) or “unhealthy” (39%), i.e., as news deserts.
During the study, we have identified key factors that influence the emergence of news deserts, including geographical location, socio-demographic situation, economic development, and historical continuity of media in the region.
Oblast centers are oases, small hromadas are deserts
Significant regional disproportions in the media landscape have been noted. Districts around oblast (regional) centers demonstrate a considerably higher level of “informational health”. On average, each such district has 3.27 independent editorial teams, compared to 0.38 editorial teams per non-central district.
Most “unhealthy” districts, on the contrary, are located between different regional centers. Such an example is Zolochiv district, which is located between the "healthy" Lviv, Ternopil, and Lutsk districts. We have not found any local media outlets in Zolochiv district. The fact is that large cities attract qualified personnel, especially in intellectual fields such as journalism. A similar situation occurs in areas close to Kyiv, as the capital lures professionals to it. Therefore, for example, Zhytomyr Oblast suffers from a shortage of people in the profession.
Small hromadas have a relatively smaller number of media outlets and comparatively lower information coverage. Distance from large cities and poor logistical accessibility also negatively impact the development of local media. The farther away from the regional center, the higher the risk of “news deserts”.
Migration and population aging: how demography is changing the media map of the regions
The socio-demographic situation also significantly impacts the “media health” of the districts. Large-scale migration movements from small towns and an aging population reduce interest in local news. The educational migration of young people to big cities further aggravates the situation, reducing the human resource potential of local journalism.
How does the economy affect media development?
The economic development of regions is directly related to the state of local media. Economically developed regions have better conditions for independent media due to the presence of local businesses with advertising budgets. However, the full-scale war has significantly worsened the financial situation of local media and made donor grant support critical for the survival of many editorial teams.
Security first: core priorities in times of war
Undoubtedly, one of the most powerful factors is the war. The full-scale invasion has affected not only the management of the editorial team but also the content. The war has significantly shifted the focus to the topic of emergencies and security. According to our data, we can assume that the closer one is to the war zone, the less attention the editorial team pays to topics not directly related to the war and the security situation. Nonetheless, there are significant regional differences in the coverage of other topics: healthcare is fully covered in Ukraine’s west, but only 64% in the east; economic development coverage is high in the west (87%) and south (90%), but significantly lower in the east (59%).
Across the front line: how independent editorial teams work for occupied areas
Particular attention is paid to the occupation's impact on the media landscape. Ukrainian independent media cannot physically operate in occupied territories. However, during the two years of the full-scale war, we have seen the emergence of a new phenomenon—independent media that are serving the occupied hromadas. These are Ukrainian editorial teams that serve the information needs of the audience in the settlements currently under Russian occupation. Nevertheless, all of these editorial teams are relocated, meaning that they are physically located on Ukrainian-controlled territory.
Districts that are fully or partially occupied have poor media coverage. Meanwhile, the analysis has shown that long-term occupation leads to total media desertification.
Why are the liberated territories the “healthiest”?
The liberated territories demonstrate the highest level of “health” – the number of “healthy” and “partially healthy” liberated districts is 20% higher than in the districts controlled by Ukraine (which have not been subject to occupation) with the same level of “health”. We assume that this situation is related to the increased attention of the Ukrainian and international community to the liberated territories. A public debate is being formed around them, and this affects the visibility of the information situation in the liberated districts. National and local media outlets actively cover the history of combat actions and the consequences of the occupation. It is the liberated areas that are becoming a place to collect direct evidence of war crimes committed by the Russian Federation.
Local media as a navigator for displaced persons
In the context of war-related mass population displacement, local media have additionally taken on a new social role – information support for displaced persons. Local media in host hromadas are adapting to the information needs of displaced persons and helping them navigate their new surroundings. Meanwhile, editorial teams from the frontline areas keep in touch with the evacuated audience and report on what is happening in their hometowns.
What risks do editorial teams see for their future?
The main challenges for the future of local media are financial instability due to the underdevelopment of the advertising market, the complicated functioning of the economy in times of war, especially in frontline areas, qualified personnel drain, and a potential reduction in donor support. To ensure the sustainability of local journalism, it is essential to have institutional support from donors, the development of independent editorial business models, and government programs aimed at restoring media in affected regions.
Despite the fact that we mainly refer to the abstract concept of news deserts in this study, we can observe quite substantial consequences. Without the presence of local news, i.e. certain mediators of the political and economic process outside the interests of the authorities and business, the transparency of public life may gradually disappear. This means more opportunities to conceal the abuse of office and crystallization of local elites until they cannot be changed. Any change of power is a matter of the future, but it is worth thinking about it now.
What should not be forgotten about is temporarily occupied territories. Having local news about communities on the other side of the line of contact means much more than economic or political development. It also means hope for several million Ukrainian citizens who are currently under occupation, Ukraine's presence in a space where everything Ukrainian is being mercilessly erased, and that the future we are talking about here will definitely come.
The definition of "news deserts" originated in media studies in the United States in the early 2000s, when the number of local dailies first declined significantly amid the rise of digital first media. News deserts are communities that do not receive enough verified information about local issues and events.
The conceptualization of this definition was based on the understanding that the democratic system in a country, specifically in the United States, begins at the local level. Thus, people's participation in the life of their community leads to a healthier society, and meaningful participation is impossible without a steady flow of truthful and verified information.
The search for news deserts is, in short, an attempt to identify those places where the healthy development of the democratic system is threatened by the absence of local media outlets [5]. The concept of news deserts fits in with the idea that media outlets are inseparable from the location where they are based.
Research on news deserts is developing quickly in various countries around the world – Norway, Spain, Switzerland, and even China. The academic journal Media and Communications recently devoted an entire issue to the phenomenon of news deserts. Several studies from this journal are cited in this report. This issue is freely available, so we actively encourage anyone interested in media studies to read the journal.
So far, the topic of “news deserts” has not been actively addressed in Ukraine. This is prompted by the dynamics of the situation with local media that has changed significantly during the war, following the privatization of state-owned news outlets and media decentralization reform in the regions. The conclusions that the temporarily occupied territories do not receive verified information about their hromada for objective reasons are to some extent obvious. However, we had to investigate in more depth and detail the reasons for the “desertification” of certain areas in the “rear” territory of Ukraine.
The study's purpose was to collect information about areas where the local media situation could lead to news deserts, which could damage a country's democratic development.
The emergence of news deserts has a direct impact on people's well-being. In places where local media outlets are closing (or do not exist at all), the community is measurably worse off. Some decisions on the allocation of resources/taxes go unmonitored, and local authorities have less of an incentive to be accountable to the community. In an article written in 2018, researcher Judith Miller noted that in US counties where local news outlets disappear, the community pays higher utility bills and receives a less fair distribution of public funds[5].
Furthermore, Ukraine is now in a situation where foreign investment for recovery is either already coming into various sectors or is in the process of being approved. Local authorities where there are local news outlets have to be held accountable to ensure that infrastructure reconstruction and/or hromada development projects are of maximum benefit to the people. It is worth noting here that we are not necessarily talking about journalistic inquiries about local authorities and local services, but about daily coverage of the activities of the local authorities and services.
Moreover, one of the main predictors of the growth of news deserts is the size of the population in a particular territorial unit. The more people live in a city, town, village or district, the more likely it is that there will be good local news outlets[6]. Ukraine’s population is declining, so the sooner we can identify hromadas that lack independent information about themselves, the more quickly we can respond and the more resources we can attract to create or support media in problem areas.
Another predictor is historical continuity. Studies say this is because strong historical continuity creates a much stronger connection between media outlets and paying audiences – local advertisers, donors or paying readers. Over time, this connection is strengthened to the extent that supporting the media financially becomes a habit[6]. Consequently, such territorial units will become less likely to end up as news deserts.
In the case of Ukraine, the issue of the historical continuity of media was disrupted in 1991 when, after gaining independence, the media industry had to recover almost from scratch in the face of a deep economic crisis. Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine caused another large media crisis in Ukraine, as it has either made it completely impossible for independent media to operate in some areas or has significantly reduced local businesses’ advertising budgets for local media. However, the issue of independence and sustainability of local media in Ukraine also has deeper root causes. In particular, an underdeveloped subscription culture significantly limits the financial sustainability of media outlets. In addition, state support for the media is often uneven, and the presence of private media owners among local oligarchs has an ambiguous impact on the editorial policy of the media. The war has only exacerbated these problems by making the economic environment even more challenging. By looking at the news deserts in a historical way, we can examine the history of the press in a particular area – whether there was a competition between printed outlets before the internet, or whether there were some historical brands that the local community trusted before – and focus on trying to revitalize this historical connection.
We have researched and mapped the areas where residents either receive insufficient information or no verified information about events in their community and district. There are also areas where the situation with access to local information is satisfactory.
In order to map Ukraine’s districts, we created a database of independent local media, including newspapers, magazines, websites, radio, and television. We did not separate media types in the final analysis – for a district not to be a news desert, it is enough to have at least one independent local media outlet based (physically) within the district. It is also sufficient that it is covered by at least two independent local media from other districts (e.g. neighboring ones).
However, the presence of one media outlet in a district is not a perfect outcome. Competition is necessary for the efficient development of its information ecosystem. That is why we have designated districts with 2 or more independent local media as healthier than those with one local media outlet. The same applies to coverage: for a healthy environment, media organizations need to be within the context they cover. Therefore, even though the formal criteria are met, we have labeled districts without their own independent media, but which are covered by independent local media from other districts, as “partially healthy”.
Here is the proposed gradation:
«unhealthy» district — a district that has no local media outlets and is not covered by media outlets from other (neighboring) areas OR a district that has no local media outlets and is covered by only one media outlet from other (neighboring) areas;
«partially healthy» district — a district with ONE independent media outlet OR a district covered by at least two media outlets from other areas;
«healthy» district — a district where two or more independent media outlets are based.
When analyzing media content, we focused exclusively on information programs, news, and local stories. In the case of television and radio, we did not analyze entertainment content, talk shows, or music playlists. The differences between the analysis of different types of media were based on the possibilities of access to the content of a particular media.
Online (text)
Text products of this media and its reprints are analyzed
TV
The information product of this particular TV channel was analyzed. If these are programs or shows from other media that are simply broadcast here, this content was not included in the analysis.
If the TV channel has a website, the primary focus is on TV content, as it is the organization's main resource.
If the TV channel was unavailable (it did not leave a digital footprint or was available only through local operators), its website was analyzed. This approach was also applied to radio and print media.
Radio
The product of this particular media outlet was analyzed. If programs or shows from other media are simply broadcast here, this content was not included in the analysis.
The sample included only the FM band.
If a radio station does not have a website (including a YouTube channel) and only offers live broadcasts, such media were analyzed only in the legal context.
Print
The analysis focused on the media outlet's own product as well as reprints. If a media does not have a website or there is no access to its products (such as the newspaper itself), these media were examined only from a legal perspective.
Media independence has been assessed in two aspects: legal and content-based.
To classify a media outlet as independent, it must not have legal ties to individuals who could potentially influence its editorial policy, such as representatives of political authorities (local or national) or influential local business figures with political leverage. If such connections were identified – for instance, through winning non-competitive tenders from government clients or local elites, having politically influential individuals on the board or in the editorial team, or other links that might affect editorial policy – the outlet was automatically deemed dependent and excluded from the sample.
Content-wise, media outlets were evaluated based on the following criteria:
how well the outlet addresses the critical informational needs of the community;
indicators of independence through adherence to professional standards, with a primary focus on content integrity and transparency.
Additional criteria have been applied to evaluate media outlets in cases where the primary assessment did not provide a clear answer regarding their independence. In such instances, the research team conducted a collegial discussion, taking into account supplementary criteria to determine the outlet's classification.
It is crucial to note that any media found promoting pro-Russian narratives were automatically disqualified from the list.
Content selection:
The analysis focused on media products from the 10 days preceding the evaluation of a specific editorial team. During this period, all content related to news and informational programs, including long reads and special projects, was reviewed.
n order for this study to draw valid conclusions that are applicable to all regions, we have proposed the concept of critical information needs as part of the methodology. We borrowed the definition and conceptualization of critical information needs from the Annenberg School of Communication and Journalism at the University of Southern California[4]. This methodology fully takes into account the information needs of communities, helping them make informed decisions about their lives. Moreover, this methodology is part of a similar study on news deserts in North Carolina, which we relied on during the work on this project.
Critical information needs (CIN) of local hromadas (communities) are specific kinds of information that help citizens navigate political, economic, and social processes and make informed decisions that affect their lives.
The concept of CIN is one of the criteria for identifying media outlets that inform their hromadas daily and systematically. The initial assumption of this research – that media freedom is the foundation of sustainable democratic development – also rests on the understanding that citizens need information about a comprehensive range of situations and services to make informed choices.
There are 8 critical information needs covering topics such as:
Emergencies and public safety: Information about emergencies and risks, both immediate and long-term. Urgent information includes dangerous weather conditions (natural disasters), environmental and other biologically hazardous outbreaks, threats to public safety, including terrorism, law enforcement activities, and public safety in a settlement, hromada or district. This also includes all topics related to citizen safety during wartime: large-scale attacks and bombardments, occupation, evacuation, advances on the front line, and liberation of territories during counteroffensive.
Healthcare: Information about healthcare services, including family and public health. Details on the availability, quality, and cost of local medical services, such as access to public/community healthcare institutions; programs and services, including wellness, preventive, and recreational facilities (e.g., sanatoria), local clinics, and hospitals; timely updates on the spread of diseases and vaccination schedules; local health campaigns and interventions.
Education: Information about all aspects of the local education system, especially during periods when local education is a central issue for public debates, decision-making, and resource allocation. This includes the quality and management of local school systems at the community level; the quality of schools in specific districts and geographic regions; information about educational opportunities, including school performance rankings (both public and private), tutoring, and extracurricular programs for children; adult education opportunities, including language courses, vocational training, and access to higher education.
Transport systems: All community members need timely information about local transport, key transport services, and their costs for urban, intercity, and international travel, as well as information about traffic and road conditions, particularly those affected by weather and road repairs.
Economic development: Access to a wide range of economic information. This includes details about employment and job opportunities within the region; training, retraining, and skills development programs; information about small business opportunities, including startup support and capital resources; and information about key economic development initiatives affecting all local levels.
Environment: Information about the condition of the local environment in both the short- and long-term; the quality of local and regional water and air and timely warnings about potential threats; actual and potential ecological dangers in the area, including toxic waste and radiation levels; issues related to the development of natural resources that impact health, quality of life, and economic development in local communities; information about ecosystem restoration activities and long-term environmental sustainability; access to recreational and leisure zones.
Civic initiatives and public services: Information about key public institutions, non-profit organizations, and associations, including their services, accessibility, and opportunities for involvement in libraries and information services in the hromada; cultural and artistic information; recreational opportunities; non-profit groups and associations; public social services and programs; religious institutions.
Politics and governance: Information about changes in power, decrees, resolutions, new laws, and open auctions; information about the activities of government at the local, regional, and national levels; decisions by local and regional authorities on all socio-political issues, as well as relevant state policy initiatives that impact communities.
We determined that meeting 6 out of 8 critical information needs of a hromada within a 10-day period (monitoring period) is sufficient for media outlets to receive a positive rating based on these criteria. Unfortunately, we must stress that many independent editorial teams were excluded from the map simply because they did not meet enough information needs during the timeframe of our research. Such outlets either focus on a specific aspect of community life or only produce big articles published a few times a month. Without these media, a hromada cannot function fully. However, the goal of this study was to map classical local outlets that cover the full spectrum of needs. This is a limitation of the study.
This section outlines the system by which we checked each media outlet and decided whether to include it on the News Deserts map.
Block 1. Affiliation with regional media
This research primarily analyzes regional media outlets. For further mapping, we determined which areas are covered by each outlet:
Station – the city or district where the main editorial team or its headquarters is located.
Coverage – the media outlet's reporting on events and issues concerning a specific district or community, even if the outlet is not physically located within that district/community. According to our methodology, the editorial team must publish at least 10 articles per week about a specific district for us to consider it as covered by this media outlet.
Block 2. Determining independence
Our primary goal was to identify editorial teams independent from local elites, authorities, and businesses. To do this, we checked the ultimate beneficiaries and individuals connected to the media for political and business interests whether the beneficiaries are politicians or businessmen with significant influence on the region’s politics. We conducted searches of the media outlets' legal entities and checked them through open data registers (OpenDataBot, Clarity Project, YouControl) to identify the owners and beneficiaries, tenders and procurements (especially from local authorities), and the involvement of the media or its owners in legal cases and rulings. Media outlets did not pass the check if suspicious actions or decisions were found that could indicate the media's dependency on authorities, specific politicians, large businesses, or oligarchs.
State procurements were not inherently bad – especially in small cities, this might be the only way to diversify income rather than relying entirely on grant funding. State procurements might indicate a dependency on the authorities in the editorial team, but not necessarily. We paid attention to tenders where the contract value exceeded 350,000 UAH (the approximate annual salary fund of a three-person editorial team) in cities with populations over 20,000 people. These settlements should have healthy markets and commercial offers. EXCEPTION: media outlets in temporarily occupied territories, where such a market does not exist.
Individual editorial teams within franchises were analyzed separately. The ownership structure of franchises is such that it does not involve interference from the franchise seller.
Additional criteria that could determine a media outlet as independent were used ONLY when we lacked other information from this block or when the available information was insufficiently clear. These included:
Block 3. Professional Standards
To determine the independence and integrity of the media outlets included in our sample, we examined their content based on the BBC Editorial Standards[8], the Code of Ethics proposed by the Commission on Journalism Ethics[12], and the methodology for bias detection proposed by the Institute of Mass Information[13].
Block 4. Coverage of critical information needs
After confirming that a media outlet is independent, we assessed whether it met the community's critical information needs. During the 10-day study period, we tracked all news items in the media—both original content and reprints. The thematic structure of the news items was compared with the criteria for CIN. If at least one publication addressed one critical need, that need was considered covered.
For a media outlet to be included on the map, it had to have published content that satisfied at least 6 of the 8 critical information needs of the community during the monitoring period.
Our team has created a media map of these territories to understand how temporary occupation affects the media landscape.
We ranked administrative districts based on the Ministry of Reintegration's Decree “On the approval of the list of territories where combat operations are ongoing (or have taken place) or temporarily occupied by the Russian Federation”[16]. We considered the status of temporarily occupied territories as relevant to the data analysis in August 2024. IMPORTANT: To generalize the results of the study, administrative districts were labeled with a specific status (occupied/liberated/controlled) even if only part of the administrative district (not the entire area) had been captured by the occupiers. According to the aforementioned Decree, the following conditional designations are used:
Occupied territories — administrative districts of Ukraine whose territory was fully occupied by the Russian Federation, or at least one settlement in the region was temporarily occupied as of August 2024. This includes territories that were occupied (and annexed) from 2014 to 2022 and from 2022 to 2024.
Liberated territories — administrative districts of Ukraine that were fully liberated from temporary Russian occupation as of August 2024 and returned under Ukrainian control. This applies to territories that were occupied from 2014 to 2022 and from 2022 to 2024.
Controlled territories — administrative districts that are fully under Ukrainian control and were not occupied by Russia from 2014 to 2024.
In the second phase of the study, we identified the need to slightly revise the methodology used during the first phase of our analysis when mapping the districts. It became clear that the concept of evaluating the media landscape within a democratic society is not entirely applicable to the territories of the country that are temporarily occupied.
For this reason, in the second phase of the study, we modified our approach to the assessment of media stations in temporarily occupied territories (TOT). We are aware of the fact that some media outlets continue to provide information to the Ukrainian audience in the occupied areas. These editorial teams position themselves as those whose mission is to deliver truthful and verified information about events to the occupied communities. However, all such media outlets are physically located outside the occupied regions for security reasons. In the first iteration of the study, we considered these media as having their primary audience in the TOT and thus classified their station as being in the occupied regions, even though they were not physically located there. After a more in-depth study of the context of occupation through interviews with top managers of local media, we realized that this concept distorts the situation rather than reflecting the realities.
Now, we are proceeding with the understanding that independent Ukrainian media cannot, in fact, have a station in temporarily occupied territories. The new approach in the second phase involves classifying the aforementioned media not as "geographically based" in the occupied territories but as those that provide informational coverage to specific districts in the TOT. This approach provides a more accurate image of media presence in these areas and removes the requirement for the physical location of editorial teams.
This reclassification has expanded the list of “partially healthy” occupied areas. However, the classification of “partially healthy” regions does not indicate an overall positive situation, as the realities of occupation always involve threats, lack of reliable information, and the absence of a normal communication environment.
Thus, the second phase of the study not only deepened the analysis of the media environment in wartime but also introduced important methodological clarifications that allow for a clearer definition of the boundaries of news deserts in Ukraine.
To gain a deeper understanding of the specifics of Ukraine’s regions and to explore their media specifications more precisely, we have sought the opinions of direct participants in the local media processes.
A total of 12 semi-structured interviews were conducted with top managers of independent regional media outlets (two media leaders from each macroregion of Ukraine, except for the western region, where we had the opportunity to interview three media leaders). Each interview lasted approximately 40 minutes.
During these conversations, the experts answered a range of questions concerning the specifics of regional media landscapes, particularly how they themselves assess and explain certain trends and challenges in their work. Their responses provided valuable insights for our research and added an additional layer of credibility to the analysis. Some of the experts' answers are anonymously quoted in the text of this study.
According to the concept's methodology, editorial teams should equally prioritize all the most important aspects of community life. However, our analysis revealed that the war significantly affected the focus of media content. In this section, we will explain in detail which critical information needs (CIN) are prioritized by the media and which ones have now taken a back seat.
Based on the data we analyzed, we can suggest that proximity to the combat zone may be a reason for media outlets' decreasing attention to topics not directly related to the war events and security situation.
It is also worth noting the situation in the temporarily occupied areas of Ukraine, which, in most cases, received the status of “unhealthy.” These districts are often covered by a certain number of independent media outlets (which were forced to flee). However, due to limited access to information, inability to verify it, and other objective difficulties associated with occupation, editorial teams cannot address the critical information needs of such communities. For instance, we identified four independent editorial teams covering the Autonomous Republic of Crimea. However, a content analysis of news items on their pages revealed that none of the regions on the peninsula can be considered “healthy” according to our methodology. This is because not all community needs are covered by the independent media that write about the region.
A somewhat different situation with coverage of CINs exists in regions, such as those with a strong focus on tourism. For example, a significant portion of materials in the mountainous areas of Ivano-Frankivsk Oblast concerns the tourism industry or people who are liable for military service and who illegally cross the state border during martial law (a consequence of the current situation). Therefore, the “unhealthy” status of these districts does not always indicate a lack of independent media presence; it may also point to insufficient coverage of the critical information needs of the communities living there.
Below, we present the detailed results of our analysis of critical information needs coverage across different regions. Specifically, this section outlines the percentage of media outlets from our sample (%) that produce content on each information need.
Both this and previous studies by the Media Development Foundation on the state of local media have shown that news about the war and security situation significantly outweighs other topics in local media content. The data from this study on news deserts in Ukraine has confirmed that no editorial team in our sample ignored the coverage of emergencies and public safety (all media included on our map do report on these topics).
A similar situation exists with materials covering public initiatives and community services – overall, 94% of the independent media on the News Deserts map report on this topic. These materials are usually directly related to the war context. As a result, a large percentage of the initiatives and services discussed in the media are focused on solving problems caused by combat actions.
Media also actively cover topics under what we have loosely labeled politics and governance. 90% of independent media outlets regularly report on the work, initiatives, and decisions of local authorities.
A total of 82% of independent media outlets cover healthcare issues. However, this coverage is very uneven across the country. For example, all outlets in the western region pay attention to this topic, while only 64% of media in Ukraine’s east regularly report on health news. The situation is somewhat better in the south, where 79% of media outlets cover healthcare topics.
There is also some imbalance in coverage of economic development in communities: in Ukraine’s west, 87% of media report on this issue and 90% of outlets in the south cover economic development. In contrast, only 59% of outlets in Ukraine’s east give enough attention to economic topics, while 69% of outlets in the north cover this issue.
We also observe relatively low interest from Ukrainian media from the east and south in education-related materials – 69% and 52%, respectively. Meanwhile, in all other macro-regions, at least 80% of media regularly cover education topics.
It is noteworthy that the topic of environmental preservation is more sharply addressed by the media in those macroregions that suffer the most from the consequences of the combat actions (east—85%, south—83%, north—81%). Outlets in the west and center cover this topic much less frequently (61% and 68%, respectively).
In general, local transport systems receive the least attention. Only 59% of all media in the sample regularly report on this aspect. The highest percentage is seen in the south outlets—66%, while the least interest is in the west—39%.
The geographical unit for our final map was the administrative district. The conclusions for the macro-regions showed no significant differences between parts of the country (unless, indeed, we take into account the front line and occupation). We also cannot speak of significant interregional differences, as we are not referring to administrative specifics, but rather to geographic, demographic, and historical indicators. We observed that these characteristics in one way or another influence the media landscape in Ukraine.
A total of 1,434 editorial teams were analyzed across Ukraine. Local Telegram channels, Facebook groups, and other non-institutionalized sources were excluded from the sample. These channels could not be considered full-fledged media outlets, as it was unknown who owns them and what organizations they were linked to. Therefore, it was impossible to verify the reliability and truthfulness of the information they disseminated.
In total, 157 independent media outlets were identified that did not serve the interests of local elites or government bodies, adhere to professional standards, and cover critical information needs (see Methodology of the Study). These outlets were included in the database and plotted on the News Desert map.
It is quite difficult to compare macro-regions: the results of both quantitative and qualitative analysis showed that there is no clear difference between the media market in the west and east, in the north and south of Ukraine.
However, we could not state that there was absolutely no difference, considering the country's large size, its complex geopolitical situation, the occupied territories in the east and south, annexed Crimea, liberation in the north, and the specifics of the border areas. All of these factors would influence the media landscape to some extent, and we attempted to reflect this in the report.
Therefore, it seemed logical not to consider the Ukrainian media landscape exclusively in terms of macro-regions. Looking at the finished map of news deserts in Ukraine, we noticed that there are certain groupings of districts based on their "health level."
“Healthy” districts
Almost all clusters that group "healthy" districts are determined by the geographic location of the regional centers. There are four most notable cases on the map:
The large Prydniprovskyi cluster combines regional centers such as Kyiv, Cherkasy, and Kropyvnytskyi. These "healthy" administrative capitals draw in smaller non-central districts that have a favorable media landscape (“healthy” or “partially healthy”). This includes almost all of southern Kyiv Oblast, Cherkasy and Kirovohrad oblasts.
Kharkiv, Poltava, Sumy, Dnipro and Zaporizhzhia districts create a large “green zone” on the left bank of Ukraine. The “healthy” zone also extends to nearby non-central districts like Chuhuiv, Berestyn, and Nikopol.
Odesa, Mykolaiv, and Kherson districts form a “green belt” in the south, bordering each other.
The “healthy” western districts, such as Lviv, Ivano-Frankivsk, and Ternopil, are also located close to each other.
Lutsk and Rivne districts also form a “healthy” Volynskyi cluster in the West, attracting the “healthy” non-central Kovel district.
However, there is an example of a “healthy” cluster that cannot be explained simply by the geographic location of regional centers.
This applies to the Chernihiv, Nizhyn, and Koriukivka districts. The presence of entire networks of independent media (19 outlets covering these areas, 9 of which are based there) ensures high-quality local information and nearly complete media coverage of Chernihiv Oblast. Additionally, considering the proximity of the “healthy” Shostka district and the “partially healthy” Novhorod-Siverskyi district, one can indeed speak of an “informationally healthy” Skhidnopoliskyi cluster.
“Unhealthy” districts
The situation is the opposite for “informationally unhealthy” districts, showing a connection between the absence of a regional center in the administrative territory and the presence of a news desert.
Some “unhealthy” districts lie between various regional centers. For instance, the districts of Pavlohrad, Synelnykove, and Samar, situated between regional centers (Zaporizhzhia, Dnipro, and Poltava), receive little to no news coverage.
The same issue arises between the historical regions of Volyn and Halychyna – Zolochiv, Dubno, and Kremenets districts are identified as “unhealthy.” Regional centers tend to attract the attention of young professionals and qualified journalists, leaving surrounding areas as informational voids.
“Unhealthy” districts tend to cluster together. Only four cases exist where an “unhealthy” district does not border another “unhealthy” one: Bashtanka (Mykolaiv Oblast), Vasylivka (Zaporizhzhia Oblast), Romny (Sumy Oblast), and Lubny (Poltava Oblast).
Special attention should be given to two large border clusters: 1) in Zhytomyr Oblast; 2) in the southern part of Vinnytsia Oblast and the northern part of Odesa Oblast. Both clusters are characterized not only by being border zones but also by their vast territories and the significant distances between small hromadas and regional centers. The farther from the center, the smaller the population, which potentially contributes to the emergence of “news deserts” (see the section "Why ‘unhealthy’ districts exist").
An exception is regional centers currently under occupation, where local government bodies under Ukrainian control are temporarily not operating. Donetsk and Luhansk districts, together with adjacent occupied districts, form a large red cluster in Ukraine’s east. Meanwhile, Crimea, with its center in Simferopol, and the city of Sevastopol which is analyzed separately as the administrative center, are also “unhealthy.” The data illustrate how occupation devastates the informational landscape – even relocated media lose their connection to their original stations over time. The few remaining cases of media outlets still working for territories temporarily occupied since 2014 only confirm this trend.
The collected data highlighted the striking differences between the levels of “media station” and “information coverage” in various districts. Station refers to having local outlets situated in the area they cover, while information coverage refers to a district lacking locally based media, relying instead on neighboring districts’ outlets to provide information.
A nationwide trend emerges: information coverage in districts generally surpasses the level of media stations at the local level. On average, each district has fewer than one media outlet with its station there (0.93 outlets per district), while information coverage averages 2.5 media outlets per district. According to our methodology, this means independent outlets covering a district publish at least 10 news items per week, fulfilling critical information needs. Typically, smaller communities lack their own outlets but can access news from nearby districts or, more often, regional centers.
It can be argued that having any independent media inform local communities is a positive development. However, the absence of locally based (stationed) outlets and reliance on external sources poses challenges to quality local journalism in Ukraine. Specifically, this dynamic carries risks for democratic development in several ways:
Lack of quality information on local events.
Without local editorial teams, residents receive information primarily from regional or national outlets, limiting access to a complete and accurate picture of local affairs. News from regional centers rarely aligns fully with the specific needs of individual districts. Without localized media coverage, many critical local issues may go unnoticed, hindering community engagement in addressing problems and development.
Loss of oversight over authorities.
Independent local media serve as a critical check on the actions of local governments. In the absence of journalistic scrutiny, opportunities for corruption, abuses of power, and violations of citizens' rights increase, as there are no media outlets to critically report on such issues.
Risk of disinformation and manipulation.
When independent local media are absent, the public discourse may be filled by unreliable sources or outlets serving the interests of specific political or economic groups. This creates a risk of spreading false information, manipulation, and even propaganda, undermining public awareness and trust.
Having at least two independent media outlets with stations within a district can mitigate these risks by:
providing timely coverage of current events on the ground;
conducting investigative journalism and monitoring the transparency of local government operations;
producing unique, high-quality content about the area instead of merely publishing press releases from local authorities;
upholding high journalistic standards;
fostering healthy competition that drives the development of the local media environment.
Thus, local media play a critically important role in connecting citizens with local authorities. They inform the public, promote transparency and accountability, uphold diverse perspectives, and encourage civic engagement. As a result, the optimal strategy for developing local journalism involves expanding the stations of independent local and hyperlocal media outlets that adhere to high professional standards and address the critical information needs of hromadas. Currently, “partially healthy” districts are identified as requiring additional support to ensure the sustainable growth of independent local media outlets.
Our research team found that local journalism in Ukraine is heavily influenced by geographic, demographic, socio-economic, cultural, and historical factors. Due to certain limitations outlined in the study's methodology, we were unable to analyze each of these factors comprehensively. The conclusions below are drawn from data obtained through in-depth interviews with regional media representatives.
Geographic factors
Districts containing regional centers tend to be significantly healthier than “non-central” districts. This study does not examine the influence of political forces or governance systems on the media. Instead, it highlights the substantial impact of centrality and its associated advantages: higher population density, more dynamic economic activity, greater job opportunities, and a richer cultural environment.
Our analysis shows that media outlets are far more likely to have stations in districts with regional centers. On average, approximately 3.27 independent media outlets operate in each “central” district, compared to only 0.38 outlets per non-central district. Similarly, districts with regional centers generally enjoy better informational coverage, averaging 3.85 outlets per “central” district versus 1.97 outlets per “non-central” district.
Our respondents largely confirm that major cities attract significantly more attention from local media than smaller settlements. For instance, one respondent from Ukraine’s south stated that their outlet primarily targeted audiences in cities with populations exceeding 50,000, as it was economically non-profitable to maintain journalists or allocate resources to cover smaller settlements. Nonetheless, the respondent admitted that, in many cases, there was "no point" in having permanent correspondents in smaller towns, as analyzing local social media often sufficed for obtaining basic information.
Some of our inside sources note that they deploy special reporting trips to districts for important tasks, such as interviews, features, or large-scale projects. While this allows for high-quality content, it also underscores the impracticality of daily coverage in small communities for media outlets based in regional centers; therefore, this coverage is occasional. As a result, coverage in such areas may be sporadic, jeopardizing the information needs of audiences far from the center.
“
We focus on audiences in the city, urban issues, and topics. However, this doesn't exclude occasional regional content.
Media from the center
Socio-demographic factors
The study also revealed a strong link between socio-demographic factors and local journalism. Our respondents stated that districts with smaller populations had significantly fewer opportunities for the development of regional media. Many small hromadas lacked cultural, civic, and economic opportunities, lowering the quality of life and accelerating outmigration. This, in turn, laid the foundation for the emergence of news deserts.
The administrative consolidation and enlargement of districts introduced during the 2014 decentralization reform drastically reduced the number of small administrative units, such as village and town councils. The elimination of local self-governance bodies has resulted in a lack of news and newsworthy events in these areas, shifting attention to the newly established centers of hromadas (amalgamated territorial communities). Respondents noted that local media often struggle to find stories to cover for these very small communities, leaving their residents uninformed.
“
The entire northern Odesa Oblast has only two district centers. Thus, a very direct and reasonable question arises: what’s the point of writing, hypothetically speaking, if there’s no authority apart from some local elite representative or mayor? There are no newsworthy events to report on.
Media from the south
“
Local newspapers that were in districts but did not end up in the new district centers lost their primary content donor—the local government body—to some extent.
Media from the north
Internal migration in Ukraine was significant even before the full-scale invasion. According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), the number of internal labor migrants in Ukraine exceeded 1.6 million in 2014–2015[14]. Data on place of residence registration in Ukraine shows that over 0.5 million people relocated from one settlement to another within the country annually (2021 IOM data)[15]. Usually, residents of small towns and villages move to district or regional centers in search of better living conditions and professional opportunities. This has led to rapid population aging, which can also be considered a reason for the emergence of news deserts:
Older generations are less active users of modern digital media, leading to lower demand for new content formats and online resources. This limits opportunities for developing new platforms and adapting local media to modern technologies.
Young people who see no prospects in their hometowns are not interested in local news. In small communities without opportunities for growth or engaging in leisure activities, young people lack motivation to stay. A lack of interest in local events leads to stagnation or even the disappearance of local media. Communities are left without young and active individuals who could consume, support, or create new media.
“
This is about meaningful leisure and opportunities for youth development. Without these, there will be no journalism either. Journalism requires a constant flow of new people, young men and women eager to make changes and explore.
Media from the south
Besides, logistical accessibility is also critical. As one respondent points out, the farther a small town is from the regional center, the fewer media outlets operate there. This indicates that remote districts suffer from a lack of journalists, as professionals in intellectually demanding fields, such as journalism, prefer to live closer to major cities where there are more opportunities for growth. Transport routes play a role here as well. It’s challenging for people to live far from their workplace if commuting is inconvenient and time-consuming. According to several respondents, the regional media network is likely denser in areas with transport hubs, making it easier for employees to commute between home and work:
“
The farther a district is from the city, the fewer people remain there from such intellectual fields [as journalism]. For media to exist, you need editors and journalists. I think they simply don’t stay there.
Media from the center
Thus, as the share of the population (especially young people) decreases in smaller districts, the availability of qualified personnel in the journalism sector declines. As a result, communities face population aging and suffer from a lack of new journalistic initiatives. Meanwhile, existing media outlets tend to lose staff due to lower wages compared to those in regional centers or the capital.
The issue of workforce outflow is particularly evident in districts near the capital. Representatives of local media report observing significant migration from Chernihiv and Zhytomyr to Kyiv. As noted by local editorial teams, the capital has always attracted professional talent.
“
Essentially, since Chernihiv is close to Kyiv, the outflow of personnel to the capital has always been present throughout Ukraine’s independence. Those who outgrew their local roles often moved to Kyiv-based media.
Media from the north
“
Kyiv takes the best talent because salaries are slightly more competitive there, and career prospects are greater.
Media from the north
Educational migration also significantly impacts regional journalism. According to Ukraine's Ministry of Education and Science, approximately 50% of students (out of 1.27 million) came from other regions to study in the 2019/2020 academic year. These educational migrants primarily head to the capital and four other major cities, which host nearly half of all Ukrainian higher education institutions and almost 60% of the student population[15].
Our respondents confirmed that young people often leave their communities for education in other regions and frequently do not come back. By studying in another city, students integrate into new communities and, as a result, lose interest in and knowledge of the local specifics of their home region (it would be harder for them to catch up with this information later than it would be to stay in the city where they studied). Moreover, universities tend to direct students to local media for internships.
Another significant factor is the quality of higher education. According to the representatives we interviewed, the quality of education at regional journalism faculties can be lower than in capital cities.
“
Some found better prospects in Kyiv or Kharkiv; they all go there because there are opportunities. They don’t create it [opportunities] locally.
Media from the center
Economic factors
In regions with strong economies, businesses are more likely to invest in advertising through local media. This helps media outlets maintain operations, pay employees, and develop editorial teams. The primary advertisers in these areas tend to be large local businesses, such as seaports, agricultural enterprises, and metallurgical and energy companies. Large companies create a competitive economic landscape in the region.
Journalism can be financially vulnerable in less developed regions, where businesses have limited budgets. Additionally, in small towns, where local businesses do not face significant competition, they do not feel a critical need for media advertising.
The problem of commercial financing for local media became more acute throughout Ukraine after the full-scale invasion. 7 out of 12 representatives of the local editorial teams we interviewed reported financial difficulties. The full-scale invasion caused an economic crisis. According to the World Bank, GDP dropped by 30% in 2022, the worst decline in Ukraine’s history. Local businesses lost their assets, were unable to maintain production and consumers, and export routes became difficult to access. Moreover, ongoing attacks on Ukraine's infrastructure and the energy sector crisis further exacerbated the situation. As a result, the advertising market collapsed in the first half of 2022, only beginning to recover in the second half of the year [23].
“
In the first days, weeks, and months [of the full-scale war], I thought it would be a desert. It wasn’t just media paralysis. And it was a paralysis not of the media, but the business sector. Like many colleagues who mainly relied on advertising, we thought it was the end. In fact, almost all [advertising] deals were postponed or canceled.
Media from the west
Previous studies have shown significant financial instability of regional media during wartime. For instance, researchers from Lviv Media Forum (2022) have explained that 75% of the surveyed editorial teams urgently needed financial support, while the remaining 25% did not face such an immediate need, as they were already supported by founders, donors, or patrons[24]. These findings have indicated that the vast majority of local editorial teams didn't have any other source of income.[20]. In 2023, the media returned to earning revenue from commercial activities, although the situation remains unstable. According to our study, Financing independent media in Ukraine 2023: Salaries and trends, only 12% of regional editorial teams were funded commercially that year. The share of commercial income in these media ranged from 75% to 90%, alongside donor and/or reader support[23].
Today’s data confirm the findings of previous studies. Commercial funding remains unstable. We also suggest that the advertising market can fluctuate according to societal and/or physical changes, such as declines during power outages.
“
When the shock passed, business began to revive and resume operations. Then, the Russians were pushed back from Kyiv, and there was a wave of enthusiasm, followed by the liberation of Kharkiv Oblast and then the city of Kherson—these events clearly correlate with waves of social optimism [with the recovery of local businesses]. We saw this in the number of agreements with advertisers. If there was any stagnation, such as in case of power outages, there was an immediate freeze or halt.
Media from the west
Furthermore, the requirements for media advertising changed due to amendments in the laws “On Advertising”, “On Media”, and others to bring them in line with European legislation. In particular, advertising for gambling, tobacco products, and alcohol is now more tightly controlled. These prohibitions will also affect media revenue.
Political factors
Political conflicts or social polarization can stimulate the emergence of new hyperlocal media, which target specific population groups, but they can also increase tension and spread disinformation.
Local media in small communities may heavily rely on political advertising or government funding due to the lack of other income sources. In addition, political and business elites in small communities can be closely interconnected. This makes the media more vulnerable to influence, as criticizing one actor may result in losing support from another.
Moreover, being an independent journalist in small communities is difficult due to the close social ties within the community and the fear of consequences:
“
This is a very significant factor for small settlements. It’s hard to be the ‘black sheep’ pointing out the mayor’s mistakes. Because your mother, for example, will definitely work somewhere at school, and the mayor will tell the district head [of the education department] to fire her.
Media from the south
Our respondents pointed out an interesting phenomenon: the full-scale war has led to the closing of conditionally dependent (politicized) media. These media outlets were owned by individuals or groups with political interests in the community. These could have been editorial teams created to write about local authorities or promote the names and ideas of specific figures, including major businessmen. In the current wartime conditions, the political future is very unclear, and therefore there is no point in investing in a media image. Editorial teams that earned revenue from political PR or acted as press services for local authorities are now out of work. They either reorganized into news aggregators or shut down completely.
“
I think that these people [politicians] have less money now, plus the political future is unclear: it’s uncertain when elections will happen, in what format, which electoral system, who these people will align with for elections? So, they don’t see the point in investing in building their media image right now.
Media from the north
Proximity to the Border
Border regions are characterized by a multinational population and various cultural influences. In regions where national minorities reside, languages other than Ukrainian are often used. This requires content adaptation to local linguistic realities. Some media outlets may broadcast news and content in two languages to reach a broader audience.
As regional media representatives from Ukraine's west reported, there is likely an information gap between Ukrainians and representatives of other nationalities. National minorities tend to prefer their own national media over Ukrainian ones.
Active economic and social connections with neighboring countries often arise in border regions. Therefore, the proximity of a region to a land or sea border with other states potentially affects the financial development of local editorial offices and their content.
An example of economic influence is the case of Zhytomyr Oblast, which borders Belarus. The northern part of the oblast suffered significant changes after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Until 2014, crossing the border between Ukraine and Belarus was much easier, with minimal restrictions for ordinary citizens and trade between the countries. Before the Russian-Ukrainian war, residents of border towns like Ovruch lived by selling goods abroad. Our respondent from Zhytomyr Oblast said that stricter border controls led to significant economic changes, including the outflow of people from these areas. This further complicated the situation in border hromadas, creating new challenges for local media.
“
There was a large market where Belarusians would come to buy goods such as clothing, medicine, and food in our Ovruch, which is 35 kilometers from the border. There was a price difference. Now the border is closed, and no one is traveling anywhere. There’s also an outflow of people.
Media from the north
It is important to emphasize the depopulation of northeastern hromadas in the region because this is where the Russian troops entered during the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The most affected area was Korosten district, where combat actions took direct place: a number of settlements were captured by the occupiers.
There are also older historical factors that influenced the depopulation of Zhytomyr Oblast. Specifically, the northeastern part of the region was contaminated by radiation following the Chornobyl disaster. These areas are still dangerous to live in, so if there are any residents, they live in small settlements.
“
...The oblast is large, and we have a significant area that was affected by radiation during the Chornobyl disaster. And the same area that was affected by radiation suffered the most during Russia’s invasion.
Media from the north
The temporary occupation of Ukraine’s territories was one of the main factors behind the emergence of news deserts. Under occupation, independent local media ceased operations or significantly reduce their activities due to the threat of repression, censorship, and lack of technical resources. Journalists were forced to evacuate or operate covertly, which created a significant danger to their lives. This resulted in people in occupied areas losing access to unbiased news and becoming vulnerable to disinformation and propaganda. This section presents quantitative indicators of media presence according to the occupation status of the district.
Occupied territories. We considered Ukrainian territories that were fully or partially captured by the Russian Federation as of the summer of 2024. As expected, the media landscape in the occupied regions is “unhealthy.” We cannot point out the physical presence of even a single media outlet in temporarily occupied territories, as continuing the work of Ukrainian independent outlets under occupation is dangerous. Nevertheless, a number of relocated outlets, despite being forced to move, are still trying to meet the informational needs of the Ukrainian audience that remains in the occupied settlements. Taking this into account, and considering that partially occupied communities have better access to Ukrainian media, we found that, on average, each of these districts is covered by about two editorial teams.
The “least healthy” areas are located in Luhansk Oblast and Crimea. We were unable to find enough editorial teams that would meet the critical information needs of local residents. On the contrary, the occupied territory of Kherson Oblast has the highest level of media coverage — on average, each district is covered by five media outlets that take into account the interests of the local audience. Comparing the occupied territories of Luhansk Oblast (since 2014) and Kherson Oblast (since 2022), we suggest that prolonged occupation leads to complete media desertification.
Liberated territories. The situation with the occupied territories seems expected, but what about the territories that have been liberated from occupation? This refers to the administrative districts that, as of the summer of 2024, were liberated from Russian occupation and fully returned under Ukraine's control.
It is precisely the liberated districts that have the highest level of “health” compared to the occupied and fully controlled (those that have not experienced occupation at all) areas. The number of all “healthy” and “partially healthy” liberated areas is 20% higher than the same number of government-controlled areas and 46% higher than the number of all occupied regions with the same level of “health.” According to our estimates, only three liberated districts are considered “unhealthy” — Romny, Bashtanka, and Korosten.
On average, each liberated district has 1.65 editorial teams directly based there. Additionally, they have the best media coverage — about 3.10 editorial teams per district. For comparison, occupied districts have an average of 2.14 editorial teams per district, and government-controlled districts have 2.22 editorial teams per district.
We assume that this situation is linked to the heightened attention of the Ukrainian and international communities to the liberated territories. Firstly, a public discourse is forming around the liberated areas. Both national and regional media actively cover military operations and the consequences of occupation. It is these liberated territories that serve as a platform for gathering direct evidence of war crimes committed by the Russian Federation.
Secondly, various stakeholders are interested in the development of local media in the liberated territories. The state is working to create conditions for the reintegration of recently liberated areas into the unified Ukrainian public discourse and to counteract Russian influence. For civil society, this is an attempt to monitor the recovery processes of affected hromadas and governmental decisions through the watchdog function of local media. These media also focus on foreign stakeholders, viewing their mission as telling the international audience about the situation in Ukraine. For example, the editorial team from Ukraine’s south translates news into English, targeting international donors or foreign institutions investing in regional development after its liberation:
“
This is an important audience. We want ambassadors or certain funds not to hear about the news and real situation from the mayor or governor, but to find our news and read them on our website.
Media from the south
Media from the south Controlled territories. These are mostly districts that are far from the front line and have not been occupied throughout the entire period of the war from 2014 to 2024. Because this cluster includes various macro-regions, the results are heterogeneous. Compared to occupied and liberated regions, the controlled areas are somewhere in between. There are about 1.04 media outlets per district, and media coverage is not much higher — on average, 2.22 editorial teams per district.
A representative of a local editorial team from Ukraine’s south emphasizes that pro-Ukraine media cannot function at all in occupied territories. He said that the only correct decision for an editorial team facing the threat of occupation is a quick evacuation of the team and equipment. In the conditions of occupation, it is impossible to ensure independent journalism, and any attempts to cover events can be compared to underground resistance activities, which carry significant risks.
“
This is not journalism. It's either partisanism, or you'll simply be caught. And it's unclear why such a sacrifice...
Media from the south
Most editorial offices in occupied areas have effectively ceased to exist due to the outflow of specialists. However, Ukrainian journalism experience shows that editorial teams can continue their work while physically being outside of their target communities. This refers to Ukrainian media outlets that specifically address the informational needs of audiences in districts and cities currently under enemy occupation. Nonetheless, all of them have relocated and are now based in Ukraine-controlled territories.
Working with Information:
Editorial teams working with occupied territories face difficulties in accessing verified information. Physical access to the area is either impossible or too risky. Official Ukrainian authorities are outside the region, and there are few local informants.
A separate direction of work is monitoring Russian propaganda media. Ukrainian editorial teams are forced to carefully filter the information, aware of the risks involved in using such content. Some respondents from eastern editorial teams mentioned that their mission is to debunk disinformation and explain to the local population what is true and what is fake.
Working with the Audience:
It is nearly impossible to know for sure whether the published information actually reaches the audience in occupied territories. Media representatives working with occupied audiences shared methods for determining who is reading their content. They assume that Ukrainians in occupied areas are identified by Google as an audience from Russia. Another source of audience understanding is feedback — comments and messages from readers who, in the course of the conversation, identify themselves as residents of a particular city.
The editorial teams described above received relatively significant financial support from international donors. The results of the annual study State of Local News in Ukraine for 2023 showed differences in the financial condition of media depending on the region of coverage: the closer to the front line, the more donor funding was included in the editorial budget. For instance, media outlets in Ukraine’s east and south received the largest share of grant funds: 93% and 87%, respectively. Respondents from News Deserts pointed out that this distribution of financial aid from international donors was logical. The likely goal was to support those journalistic teams that had lost the most resources because of the war.
Increased donor support had contributed to the “survival” of motivated editorial teams. This was why Ukrainians in occupied territories still had access to news from independent media. However, we could not draw conclusions about the occupied territories, as there were no verified sources of information about what is actually happening there. We did not know for certain the level of access local residents have to Ukrainian websites, so it was impossible to say how many people were truly consuming Ukrainian content. The data from this study regarding the occupied territories were rather our assumptions, based solely on superficial knowledge from publicly available sources.
The extensive destruction of infrastructure and housing, along with occupation, has led to the mass displacement of local residents both within Ukraine and abroad. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) stressed that as of August 2024, there were nearly 3.669 million internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Ukraine [11]. In addition, Eurostat reported that by the end of August 2024, nearly 4.2 million Ukrainian citizens who were forced to flee due to the full-scale invasion had been granted temporary protection status in the EU [7]. As a result, the country's population has sharply decreased, particularly in frontline and occupied settlements. The stations of local editorial teams in occupied areas are impossible, and operating in frontline communities undergoing forced relocation remains extremely challenging.
In this context, local media are taking on a new social role: providing information to displaced persons. This responsibility is being assumed both by editorial teams in host communities and by those from which people have been displaced:
Communities relatively distant from the front line have welcomed a significant number of people forced to leave their homes, who now need up-to-date information about local life. Local media have taken on the responsibility of helping displaced persons navigate their new communities, providing insights into local life and critical information about available assistance for displaced persons.
Editorial teams covering areas near the front line or under occupation have prioritized informing those who had to flee. By analyzing traffic on their media platforms, respondents observe that displaced individuals continue to actively consume their content. This indicates that regional media are becoming a vital link between displaced persons and their home communities.
“
...part of the audience consists of Mykolaiv residents who have left Ukraine. However, they continue to stay connected to the city, worry about it, and constantly stress over whether they should come back or stay abroad. Yet they remain interested because their friends, parents, and family members are still here. That’s why they continue to follow our channels and read our news.
Media from the south
A vivid example of the above statements is the media landscape in the Odesa–Mykolaiv–Kherson zone. Leaders of southern editorial teams noted that migration between these cities has historically been quite dynamic due to their geographical proximity. After the full-scale war began, migration flows between the three oblast intensified. During intense combat actions, many Mykolaiv residents relocated to Odesa, which was considered relatively safer. After the liberation of Kherson, many residents started moving to Mykolaiv. This situation highlighted a unique historical connection between the three cities, which also influenced media coverage. For instance, a Mykolaiv-based editorial team regularly publishes news about both Odesa and Kherson because these cities have become integral to their audience.
“
..Kherson residents started living in Mykolaiv, and Mykolaiv residents moved to Odesa. That’s why we decided to focus on these audiences — primarily Mykolaiv, with Odesa and Kherson gradually becoming key points of reference for our core audience. These cities are also mentally close to each other.
Media from the south
Nearly all regional media representatives we interviewed foresaw a worsening state for local journalism and the emergence of more “news deserts” in the near future. The gravest concern was an escalation of the war, which posed both physical danger and the risk of team breakdown. Even media outlets far from the front line were worried about potential advances and shifts at the front. Many media outlets had taken these risks into account and started transitioning to fully remote operations or prepared to do so, though this could compromise the quality of their work.
The risks related to financing are urgent. Respondents stressed the underdevelopment of the advertising market because of the full-scale war. The lack of commercial revenue is particularly felt in frontline media, as businesses are basically absent in those areas. Without proper funding, the likelihood that there will be no media about the territories under temporary occupation or settlements where combat actions are ongoing grows. Journalists who could report on frontline settlements are leaving and adapting to life in new communities. As a result, the emergence of news deserts in those areas is a pressing issue. Editorial teams are also concerned about the reduction in grant opportunities. Media outlets predict that donor support will continue to decrease.
Finally, we asked our respondents what changes are needed to ensure the resilience of local journalism in Ukraine. Below are the key steps that media managers consider necessary for preserving and enhancing local editorial teams.
Media organizations can find grant support for short-term projects, but they lack institutional support for stable development. This conclusion is confirmed by a separate MDF study, The Donor Dilemma. The availability of institutional assistance would reduce the psychological pressure on organizations that are constantly searching for new resources to sustain themselves. Institutional support for media would allow organizations to plan for the future more effectively, expand, remain independent, and produce high-quality content, ultimately meeting the information needs of regional communities.
“
Journalists don't need short-term support right now. In order to have some sort of action plan for a certain period under these conditions, we need to know that we have funding and the ability to create content not just for two months, but at least for a year.
Media from the east
Along with institutional development, media outlets emphasized the need to develop their own financial independence. To avoid the risk of closing if donor funding suddenly stops, media organizations must establish their own business model. It's important to consider various sources of income while remaining independent and adhering to journalistic standards. Additionally, they need to develop their own brand to encourage readers to sponsor their editorial work, secure more advertising integrations, and so on.
“
A [alternative] path is the development of the media brand and a gradual shift to funding directly from readers. This could be through a membership model, paid content, continuous donations, etc.
Media from the north
To ensure the resilience of journalism in Ukraine, media organizations also need high-quality training for journalists. Higher education institutions bear the primary responsibility for preparing future professionals. Besides, it is equally important for media organizations to continue training and developing their staff. This can include workshops, seminars, internships, and professional development courses. Through such training, media outlets can unlock more opportunities, secure better grant prospects, and produce higher-quality content. This type of journalist training is not only critical for media organizations or the media sector as a whole but also plays a significant role in community development. When communities gain young journalists with a solid education, they can become a driving force for social change, especially in smaller communities.
Two editorial teams highlighted the importance of government involvement in developing journalism in Ukraine. They specifically emphasized the need for a media recovery program, particularly for media outlets in border and frontline areas.
“
No state program for regional recovery includes media restoration in the region. We’re rebuilding schools, kindergartens, workplaces—almost everything—but there is no funding allocated for restoring the work of media outlets
Media from the north
“
It’s essential to discuss establishing criteria for media environment development and determining the principles for allocating funding across regions.
Media from the north
Our respondents also expressed a desire to see the creation of communities, both among media organizations and between media and their audiences. These communities didn’t necessarily have to be formal—sometimes even a simple chat group in a messenger app could facilitate effective communication between media outlets and their readers. Building such relationships with the audience could increase the level of reader support.
Media outlets working with audiences in occupied territories emphasize the importance of continuing to report on the region and its residents. This is crucial for the reintegration of these areas and for preventing the spread of Russian media narratives.
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If we disappear, ‘they’ will take our place.
Media from the east
Abernathy, P. M. (2018). The expanding news desert. Chapel Hill, NC: Center for Innovation and Sustainability in Local Media, School of Media and Journalism, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
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Search for editorial teams. It was not always possible to fully analyze all types of media due to limited access to their archived content or a lack of digital presence. Some media outlets might have been excluded from the analysis due to the inability to assess their operations.
Criteria for media independence. Media outlets were evaluated for independence based on legal and content-related indicators. However, the assessment of legal independence could be complicated by the limited public availability of some legal data or indirect connections between editorial teams and local elites. This might have led to the exclusion of some media outlets that could have provided quality local coverage.
Focus on critical information needs. The research focused on communities' critical information needs. This means that media outlets specializing in specific niche topics or covering only certain aspects of community life were not included in the final sample, even if they make an important contribution to the local information ecosystem.
Timeframe of the research. The research period covered a relatively short time frame. Media outlets that might have temporarily failed to cover a sufficient number of critical information needs during this period were excluded from the sample. This could affect the completeness of the data, as editorial strategies can change over time.
Causations. The research team found that the development of local journalism in Ukraine was largely influenced by geographic, demographic, socio-economic, and historical factors. We were unable to examine each of these aspects in detail, primarily due to limited access to information as a result of the full-scale war in Ukraine. Therefore, it was important to consider that the conclusions of our analysis were mainly based on data obtained from publicly available sources and in-depth interviews with representatives of regional media.
These limitations indicated that the research findings might not fully reflect the actual state of media coverage across all regions, but they provided an important foundation for further analysis of news deserts in Ukraine.
News deserts – an area in which at least ONE local independent media outlet is not based or an area covered by at most one local independent media outlet from other areas.
Local media – media outlets that focus on covering events in one or more districts or that meet the critical information needs of residents of one or more districts.
Independent media – media outlets (newspapers, magazines, radio, digital, and television) that:
а) are not legally connected to local or national authorities and local elites;
b) have not been found to have distorted coverage of politically sensitive topics (elections, political scandals at the local and national level, or paid articles);
c) satisfy the critical information needs of the residents of the districts.
Local elites – a) large businessmen who have a vested interest in controlling the district in order to make a profit and maintain a favorable political situation; b) people close to political authorities who do not have open business interests in the district but have significant influence on other district beneficiaries.
District – an administrative unit of division of the state; the unit of analysis in this study. The district distribution of the 2020 reform ("enlargement") was used as a basis.
Station – the city or district where the core part of the editorial team or head office is physically located.
Coverage – reporting on events and issues related to a specific district or hromada (community), even though the media outlet is not physically located within that district/community. According to our methodology, the media outlet has to publish at least 10 news items per week about a particular district in order for us to consider such a district to be informationally covered by this media.
Oksana Buts
Head of Research Department at Media Development Foundation, sociologist, BA in Sociology at UCU, MA in Sociology at NaUKMA.
Dariya Orlova
Research editor at Media Development Foundation, PhD in Mass Communications, researcher in media and journalism, Associate Professor at the Mohyla School of Journalism, NaUKMA.
Polina Lypova
Researcher at Media Development Foundation, sociologist, BA in Social Work at NaUKMA, MA in Communications at NaUKMA.
Ievhen Kohen
Research assistant at Media Development Foundation, MA in History of Philosophy at NaUKMA, work experience in national and regional media.
Nataliia Fedor
Research assistant at Media Development Foundation, sociologist, BA in Sociology at UCU.
Valeriia Shemshuchenko
Researcher at Media Development Foundationб MA in Public Policy and Governance, Kyiv School of Economics.
Tetiana Gordiienko
Researcher at the Media Development Foundation, PhD candidate at the Mohyla School of Journalism.
Marta Puhach
Researcher at Media Development Foundation. Received REES MA degree from the University of Kansas, US, MA in East-European Studies from the University of Warsaw, Poland, and MA in political science from the University of Ostroh Academy, Ukraine.
Anastasiia Tovstanovska
Research assistant at the Media Development Foundation, a student in the Sociology at UCU.
Maksym Sribnyi
Media Research Consultant, MA in Journalism at NaUKMA
Andrey Boborykin
the author of the idea
Executive Director of the UP. Expert in digital marketing, development of media products and media communities, building funding models for the media.
This research was produced with the financial support of the European Union. Its contents are the sole responsibility of Media Development Foundation and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union.
1. Content analysis in the context of critical information needs
2. Media landscape overview
3. Coverage vs. Station
4. Why do "unhealthy" districts exist?
5. How does occupation affect media desertification?
6. How do editorial teams work under occupation?
6. Media outreach for displaced persons
7. About the future